Strategically Siting Constructed Wetlands to Target Nitrate Removal Ess

Strategically Siting Constructed Wetlands to Target Nitrate Removal: A GIS Method Applied to an Agricultural Watershed in West Central Indiana Intensification of agricultural practices in the Midwest has led to increased nutrient losses in surface runoff and subsurface drainage, impacting downstream water quality and the problem of hypoxia in the Gulf of Mexico. Nitrate losses are especially significant in heavily tile drained land, characteristic of west central Indiana. Constructed wetlands have been shown to be effective in reducing nitrate loads leaving Midwestern crop land. Strategically targeting sites that intercept high nitrate loads, and sizing the wetlands according to the characteristics of their watersheds, can maximize wetland efficiency while minimizing costs and maintaining productive agriculture. The goals of this work were to develop a methodology for targeted wetland placement to remove nitrate and to estimate the impact of these wetlands in the landscape. Within the study region, 19 locations were found to be suitable for wetland placement, requiring conversion of 0.1% of the watershed. These wetlan ds would intercept 3% of flow from tile-drained lands, removing approximately one percent of all nitrate exported from all tile-drained land in the watershed. Wetland selection was most sensitive to criteria relating to contributing area, exclusion of streams where wetlands could be potentially located, and topography. While this approach efficiently identifies optimal locations for siting wetlands, best management practices in addition to these wetlands are needed to meet water quality goals in the Midwest. Keywords: Constructed wetlands, Nitrate, Geographic Information System (GIS), Water Quality, Wate... ...ould also be minimized. The main goal of this work was to develop a methodology for targeted wetland placement to remove nitrate from tile-drained agricultural lands. The specific objectives were to: 1) Determine suitable wetland sites in an 8-digit HUC in Indiana using GIS methods and wetland siting criteria; 2) Create preliminary wetland designs at each site; and 3) Estimate the nitrate removal provided for each wetland design, using a simple regression-based model. A key aspect of this GIS analysis was calculating the tile-drained contributing area draining to each location, which ensured that these wetlands intercepted large flows and maximized nitrate reduction in the landscape. This watershed-scale approach is critical to efficiently implement best management practices, such as constructed wetlands to reduce nitrate losses from agricultural watersheds.

The Effects of One-Child Policy on Chinese Kinship

Burt Jiang Anthropology 331 4/22/2013 Term Paper The origins of Chinese civilization derive its roots from the Huang-he and Yangtze Rivers. Like other ancient river valley civilizations, these two rivers provided early Chinese settlers with the raw materials necessary to sustain culture and society. Burgeoning from small, scattered clans, autonomous groups of Chinese villages situated around the rivers would in turn become the building blocks of the ancient Chinese dynasties to the modern day, People’s Republic of China.The system of clans became an effective method of identifying one’s own lineage through the maintenance of a single surname throughout the clan. As the social structure of the clan grew, the complex interactions among clan and non-clan members eventually synergized to create China’s own form of kinship. Anthropologists have since come to classify Chinese kinship under the broader term of Sudanese kinship. The Sudanese, and by extension Chinese, ki nship is considered the most complex system with a separate designation for almost every one of ego’s kin based on generation, lineage, relative age, and gender.As observed, the Chinese kinship system already has a strictly defined scheme of kin identification, but the monikers only serve as an outline of China’s kinship system. The true backbone of Chinese kinship draws its source from Confucian ideals, ideals that have been deeply ingrained in Chinese dogma since the late fifth century B. C. Among his teachings of filial piety and ancestor worship, Confucius outlines for the Chinese people the five most basic interactions: interactions between ruler and subject; father and son; elder and younger brother; husband and wife; and between friends.Of the five interactions, the interactions between father-son, and husband-wife, have seen the greatest amount of development and change throughout to course of China’s history. As China exited the feudal age and entered t he modern world as The People’s Republic of China, the two interactions identified experienced considerable changes while maintaining their signature Chinese accent. Feudal China’s departure, and the advent of communist China, has brought forth rapid family reform and ultimately, the initiation of the One-Child Policy. Even in the face of rapid modernization and reform, the trong influences of Confucian ideals and an intrinsic patrilineal descent pattern still characterize Chinese kinship; however, the introduction of the One-Child Policy, and its ramifications, has put stress on the traditional Chinese family structures as well as possibly creating many more problems future generations must solve. Of all the pseudo-religious institutions that took hold in China, Daoism and Zen Buddhism, most notably, the concept of ancestor worship put forth by Confucius is by far the most ubiquitous in Chinese culture and kinship relationships.Defined by the nine agnates, Confucius t ook great efforts to outline the nuclear family as clearly as possible, three generations prior to the ego, the ego, and three generations after the ego. Within the nine agnates, ancestral worship and filial piety became the driving forces that perpetuated kinship interactions in China for generations. Thus forms the cyclical cycle of Chinese kinship, the younger generations are kept in line by the rules of filial piety while the older generation is kept in memory and reverence via ancestral worship.The importance of ancestor worship can be conceptualized and materialized through the complex mourning attire and rituals exhibited by the Chinese people. Much like the suru’ai of Kwaio, individuals in mourning must display no worldly attachment, must not be seen in public, must have abstain from sexual activity, and generally must live a life of detachment throughout the mourning period (Akin March 11). The mourning period is defined by the relationship of the mourner to the indi vidual that has passed away; consequently, the duration of this period can range from three months to three years based on the strength of the bond shared.During a time of mourning, individuals must also wear complementing attire to signify which stage of mourning he/she is in; hence the attire has evolved into the five degrees of mourning attire. Chinese mourning rituals were taken very seriously within the clans and the act of proposing to an individual exhibiting any stage of the five degrees of mourning attire was considered highly immoral and taboo. Rituals of ancestor worship, like mourning ceremonies and attire, serve to underscore the importance of the ancestors to the Chinese people.The sterility, and structure, of the mourning period is an excellent example of the reverence Chinese individuals hold for their deceased kin; to interrupt the transition from individual to ancestor is still considered highly disrespectful and taboo even in modern China. Ancestor worship provide s a broad blanket of allegiance for the Chinese kinship system. The importance of ancestor worship is to keep entire clans together, but the smaller familial units require a force more tenable and exact.Within the nuclear family, Confucius saw the wisdom to conceive of another ideal that complements the notion of ancestor worship, that idea being filial piety. Filial piety, in turn, provides the construct in which the five relationships, outlined earlier, can be practically maintained and perpetuated. Confucius’ relationship of father and son is kept constant by the power of filial piety. Younger generations are taught to respect and heed the advice of their forefathers. Consequently, this interaction creates an incredibly structured kinship system in which obedience is preferential to individuality.The rules defined by filial piety culminated in the written document known as The Great Qing Legal Code, introduced during the Qing Dynasty, 1644 to 1912. This document not only p rovided, in great detail, the laws and codes regarding kinship bonds on all five levels of relationship, but it also included the punishments if those bonds were broken or tested by crime (Jones 29). Criminal activity was therefore punished more severely if the crime committed was within the clan, and further intensified if the offence was committed against a higher ranking individual.The importance of upholding the kinship relations set forth by Confucius can be seen in the Code’s punishment for breaking the first and foremost relationship of ruler and subject. Punishment for breaking China’s most important bond resulted in what is known as: â€Å"The extermination of nine kindreds†. Any individual who commits treason against his/her emperor would be subject to the complete annihilation of his/her nine agnates, effectively erasing that individual’s bloodline (Jones 16).This incredibly overt punishment trickled down, with lesser severity, to the other fou r relationships, and ultimately underlined the importance of loyalty to kin and emperor. Filial piety’s significance is further stressed in the father-son relationship because of China’s early affinity to the patrilineal descent system, echoes from the country’s roots in the clan structure. Since only males can bear and preserve the family surname, loyalty of the son to the father became critical in a patrilineal descent system.In order to ensure the lineage’s continuation, carefully arranged marriages between families would rise as the forefront solution. Chinese kinship, like many other systems, relies on the institution of marriage as bridge between two bodies of people. Recognized in Confucian teachings, a married couple is considered the most basic social unit from which other relationships stem. In Chinese culture, marriages were generally arranged by a matchmaker who would bless the union. After the marriage, the wife would be incorporated into the husband’s family; thus resulting in the importance of the production of sons to keep the family surname.Throughout history, Chinese marriages and kinship revolved around the production of viable sons to carry the family name. Like Kwaio societies, fertility of the mother proved to be of paramount importance when evaluating a marriage relationship (Akin February 20). It is important to take note, however, that while monogamy was the accepted practice, polygamy gained prominence in imperial families that could not produce a healthy male heir, a problem solved also by nurture kinship (Akin January 23).Once married, divorce was possible only if the wife was proved to have engaged in one of these seven offences: failure to observe filial piety to the parent-in-laws, failure to bear a son, consistently vulgar or lewd, harbors jealousy, has a vile disease, gossips too much, or commits a theft. Although unusual to western societies, gossip is viewed as a poison to families and clans because of its inherent proclivity to hyperbole and fabrication. Patrilineal descent’s importance can be clearly observed in marriage rituals as divorce is only possible if the female fails to produce a son or commits other errs.There are, however, three distinct situations in which a wife is guaranteed immunity from a divorce, those three situations being: the wife has no family to return to, the wife has observed a full three year mourning period for her parent-in-law, or if her husband was poor during marriage and is currently wealth. In conjunction with ancestor worship, filial piety, and the structured marriage system, Chinese kinship has developed these three hallmark pillars to safeguard strong kinship bonds of father-son and husband-wife from one generation to the next.Although only briefly mentioned earlier, the wedding ceremonies themselves are a testament to the extravagance and importance of a decision such as marriage to the Chinese people. Categorized by the si x etiquettes, Chinese wedding ceremonies consisted of: the proposal, birthdates, bride price, wedding gifts, arranging the wedding, and the ceremony itself. Each of the six etiquettes involves a highly organized succession of events that would lead to marriage of husband and wife. The first two steps, proposal and birthdates, involve a matchmaker evaluating a potential daughter-in-law for marriage.If the divination rituals, Suan Ming, are positive and both sides of the marriage accept the terms, the next step would be submitting a bride price (Wolf 102). Bride price, or betrothal gifts, is then presented by the matchmaker to the bridegroom’s family completing the pre-wedding rituals. The actual wedding ceremony is somewhat austere in comparison to its preparation. It simply involves, in western society terms, the exchanging of vows and good blessings followed by paying respects to the Jade Emperor, other deities, and each family’s ancestors.Finally, the wedding banquet is the closing event in the marriage process and is often more lively and festive. Traditionally, the groom is responsible for the cost of the wedding invitation, pastries, the banquet invitations, and the wedding itself. Wedding banquets are elaborate and consist usually of five to ten courses, with ingredients such as  shark's fin,  abalone,  lobster,  squab,  sea cucumber,  swift nests,  fish roe  in soup or as decoration on top of a dish to symbolize fertility, and local delicacies (Wolf 88).Customarily, the father of the bride is responsible for the wedding banquet hosted on the bride's side and the alcohol consumed during both banquets. The wedding banquets are two separate banquets: the primary banquet is hosted once at the bride's side, the second banquet, smaller banquet, at the groom's side. While the wedding itself is often based on the couple's choices, the wedding banquets are a gesture of appreciation, to those that have raised the bride and groom, suc h as grandparents and uncles.Additionally, this gesture incorporates the ideas of nurture kinship, in which kinship persists and even thrives beyond the nuclear family. Grandparents, aunts, and uncles, of both sides of the family would often offer help in raising a family’s child in an attempt to establish nurture kinship bonds. These bonds would then be materialized through gift exchange during the wedding banquet and other important family occasions. The two banquets serve also to ensure the relatives on each side meet the relatives on the other side (Wolf 49).Thus out of respect for the elders, wedding banquets are usually done formally and traditionally, which the older generation is thought to be more comfortable with. As one can see, the six etiquettes of the marriage and its accompanying practices come together to create a single cohesive event meant to bring two families of different clan origins together as one. The traditions and conventions of Chinese kinship that have been examined have been kept constant for much of the nation’s history until the late 19th century and early 20th century.As political turmoil and growing dissatisfaction with the incumbent Qing Dynasty rose, the Chinese population made a push towards reform. After two decades of consolidation, dynastic China emerged from the feudal era as The Republic of China in 1912 headed by Sun Yat-sen. During the Nationalist era, Chinese kinship saw a slow movement towards modernity, a topic discussed in other sources but not focused on in this paper (See Hinton and Zarrow). The one exception to the evolution of kinship in China during this period was the residual influence of The Great Qing Legal Code.Although never referred to by name since the fall of the Qing, the collection of codes put forth by China’s forefathers manifested itself as a strict penal code during the Republic era, and would be re-adapted based on socialist law during the People’s Republic era (Jon es 229). Even when the governments representing China adjust to better fit its changing political landscape, the influences of Confucian teachings still resonate deeply in Chinese kinship and culture. Ultimately, the capitalistic ways of Nationalist China began to brew dissatisfaction among the classes as predicted by the rising popularity of Marxist theory at the time.The issues described by Marx, such as class conflict, were only exacerbated by China’s already enormous proletariat population. Eventually, and inevitably, The Republic of China was usurped by the communist oriented People’s Republic of China, headed by Mao Zedong in 1949. Mao’s rise to ascendancy and the subsequent initiation family reform policies such as the One-Child Policy has had tremendous consequences on traditional Chinese kinship structure and maintenance. The communist party’s policies regarding family and kin have persisted into the 21st century with some repercussions already a pparent, and others that have yet to be evaluated.The newly formed People’s Republic of China introduced itself to the modern world as a backward, unsophisticated nation of peasants led by a few intellectuals. Needless to say, the communist party saw prudence in creating a new image for itself. Family size and structure rose to the top of the communist party’s agenda as a target for transformation. In 1979, the Chinese government embarked on an ambitious campaign of market reform following the economic stagnation of the Cultural Revolution. The government saw strict population containment as essential to economic reform and to improvement of living standards.So championed by The State Family Planning Bureau, the One-Child Policy was introduced. In its execution, the Policy did everything the Chinese government hoped for by preventing roughly 100 million child births as of 2009 (Hesketh 1173). Although effective in containing China’s population growth, the One-Ch ild Policy proved to have meaningful impacts in other aspects of Chinese culture, particularly Chinese kinship. The Policy’s repercussions are in direct conflict with China’s oldest tradition of ancestor worship.A ritual that had been a driving force of Chinese kinship since the very beginning of feudal China is now at odds with the policies of modern China. Specifically, the One-Child Policy has created a conundrum known as the four-two-one (referred to as 4:2:1) phenomenon. The phenomenon is the estimated ratio of grandparents to parents to children currently existing in China (Hesketh 1171). Immediately, the most apparent issue is the imbalance of the ratio between grandparents to grandchildren, essentially for every one child there exist four grandparents.This many not seem like an issue to western societies, but China’s enormous population, a result of post-WWII baby boom trends, exacerbates the ratio to a breaking point. Traditional kinship bonds dictate t hat the younger generations must care and nurture for their elders. However with such an unbalanced ratio of individuals between the generations, China’s sons are failing to support their fathers while jeopardizing their own livelihood. Confucius’ signature relationship of father-son is now threatened greatly by the incurred financial burden of China’s youth.Changes in kinship structure and, to a lesser degree, family structure are driven by changes in fertility and mortality. The drastic reduction in fertility has substantially reduced the number of children born to each family, so that the extensive horizontal kinship ties of China’s past have essentially been curtailed (Jiang 128). However, improvements in mortality have brought unprecedented longevity to China’s elderly, and an overlap of generations that has made vertical kinship ties increasingly common (Jiang 129).Ancestor worship is at odds with China’s new agenda of population refor m and containment. The sudden reduction of horizontal kinship bonds and gross amplification of vertical kinship bonds forces China’s newest generation to pick between financially stability, through neglecting their elders, or supporting their elders, through draining their own personal capital. Similar to ancestor worship, the Confucian concepts of filial piety and marriage are also tested by the One-Child Policy.Starting with filial piety, the stipulation that families can only bear one child has put tremendous emphasis on patrilineal descent and the birth of sons. In feudal China, citizens were given the opportunity to produce as many offspring as needed and yet some families still failed to produce sons, and lineages were lost. Now, with only one opportunity, modern Chinese families have put an unprecedented level of importance to a mother’s ability to bear a male child. This in turn critically affects the father-son dynamic established by Confucius.Instead of overt ly obeying one’s parents, male children in China now understand the importance of their position, and exploit it. China’s newest generation of males have exhibited an unrecorded level of sexual, social, and media experimentation, generations of sexual and individual repression are just now starting to be shattered (Fong 1103). Additionally, the One-Child Policy has had mixed impact on the status of females and by extension marriage. With very limited contraception available for women, the One-Child Policy has forced families to prioritize the birth of males over females.This inevitably leads to the marginalization of the female gender in modern China and an incredibly imbalanced gender ratio. However, the results of the Policy on woman’s social status in China are not completely skewed to one, negative aspect. Those women who are kept by their families have just recently seen an unparalleled lift in their social positions and powers. Daughters empowered by the s upport of their parents, with no sons to favor, are able to defy detrimental norms while strategically using ones that give them advantages in the educational system and the job and marriage markets (Fong 1105).Furthermore, divorce rates have never been higher in modern China as a result of the empowered female gender. Women are more freely seeking new relationships and marriages, a notion inconceivable during the height of Confucian marriage practices. Modernity is an atypical force. Traditional kinship relationships and marriage practices of China are not necessarily broken by modern policies, like the One-Child, but they are certainly altered from their ancestral conceptualizations in feudal China. Chinese kinship is one of the most unique and complicated kinship systems ever examined.The kinship bonds established by the Chinese people may appear outwardly strict or even ascetic, but underneath the guise of structure, is an incredibly resilient dogma that still influences kinship in China today. Confucius’ ideas of ancestor worship, filial piety, and marriage all amalgamate to create a system of kinship that has withstood dynasties, regimes, and political parties. The recent challenges presented by the One-Child Policy have certainly put strain on traditional kinship relationships like that of father to son.Yet, the elevation of the female gender and increased fluidity in marriage rituals signify that Chinese kinship is not as stagnant as some anthropologists believe. No matter how much change is imposed on China’s kinship, the voice of Confucius will always permeate families, marriages, siblings, and children. Works Cited Directly used in paper: Akin, David. â€Å"Doubts, Critiques, and Revisions of Kinship Studies. † Anthropology 331. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, 23 January 2013. Akin, David. â€Å"Totem, Taboo, and Identity (part 1). † Anthropology 331. University of Michigan.Ann Arbor, 11 March 2013. Akin, David.  "Marriage as Exchange. † Anthropology 331. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, 20 February 2013. Fong, Vanessa L. â€Å"China's One-Child Policy and the Empowerment of Urban Daughters. †Ã‚  American Anthropologist  104. 4 (2002): 1098-109. Print. Jiang, Lin. â€Å"Changing Kinship Structure and Its Implications for Old-Age Support in Urban and Rural China. †Ã‚  Population Studies  49. 1 (1995): 127-45. Print. Jones, William C. The Great Qing Code. Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1994 Hesketh, Therese, Li Lu, and Zhu Wei Xing. The Effect of China's One-Child Family Policy after 25 Years. †Ã‚  New England Journal of Medicine  353. 11 (2005): 1171-176. Print. Wolf, Arthur P. , and Chieh-shan Huang. Marriage and Adoption in China: 1845-1945. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1980. Print. Additional Research Hinton, William. Fanshen; a Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village. New York: Monthly Review, 1967. Print. Zarrow, Peter Gue. After Empire: The Conceptual Transformation of the Chinese State, 1885-1924. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2012. Print.

Tenor in Email Communication

Today we will be discussing â€Å"tenor† in workplace emails. We will: 1) explain what tenor and how it is reflected in workplace emails, 2) why using proper tenor in the workplace is important, and 3) provide tips as to how you can successfully determine tenor for use in your own workplace emails. (First Slide) What is tenor? Tenor is the tone of a form of communication that reflects the relationship between the speaker and their audience. In regards to email, it is the relationship between the writer and their recipient. Every person uses different forms of tenor on a daily basis, whether they are in the work place, at home or even with friends. Tenor is present in an email and can be reflected in a number of ways. It is most evident in the formality of the speech used and the words chosen in the communication of ideas. However, the tenor of an email can also be affected by the subject matter of an email. More serious or pressing issues often call for a more formal use of tenor. (Second Slide) Why is tenor important? Also read: The Other Side of E-mail Tenor is an important element of workplace communication for a number of reasons. Firstly, the tenor used in an email demonstrates one’s level of respect for who they are speaking to. In the workplace, it reflects the level of respect one shows for their superior, co-workers or even direct reports. This is evident in the politeness and mannerisms displayed in the email. Calling your friend â€Å"dude† may be normal in their company, but calling your boss the same may be taken as offensive or undermining. Secondly, tenor can display your dedication or seriousness about issue. While some subjects may discussed light-heartedly, such as an office event, while other require more a serious tone, such as discussing grievances or personal absences. Mistaking tenor in the workplace can have a number of negative effects. It could possibly damage your work relationships and create tension in the workplace, reduce the effectiveness of workplace communication and processes, as well as reduce your chances for advancement in a company. Always remember to consider if your words could be misinterpreted before you click send! (Third Slide) So how do you determine the proper tenor to use in your email? There are 3 simple questions that you can use to evaluate your relation to the recipient and effectively gauge the proper tenor in an email. These questions are as follows: Ask yourself – What is the recipient’s position in the company? Are they a superior? A co-worker? A direct report? While these employees all share different roles, they can all be treated with different tenors. While your boss requires a highly formal level of tenor in your communication, a co-worker may not. – What is the subject matter of the email? As we have already mentioned, the subject matter of the email you are writing may also have an effect on the tenor you should be using. For instance, consider the co-worker mentioned above. On a day-to-day basis, a co-worker may not require a highly formal tenor in communication. However, while discussing this co-worker’s grievances, bereavement leave or other personal matters, a more formal tenor may be required to spare their feelings and show your respect for their situation. – Another good question to ask yourself is: Who will have access to the email? Although you may think the email you just sent is only seen by the recipient, this may not always be true. The last thing you want to happen is for your boss to see an email that you wrote and think that you may have disrespected another employee by using informal tenor. To end this conference, we would like to suggest some tips for determining and executing proper tenor in workplace emails. 1. Always use more formal language in your initial message. Once your recipient replies, it will be easier to determine what tenor is appropriate. It is better to err towards the casual side after an exchange of emails. 2. When in doubt, mirror it out! Mirroring is a valuable tool in determining workplace tenor. When mirroring, one simply replies to an email with the same tone as the sender. In other words, send email you would like to receive and you will do no wrong. 3. Always think before you send! You may think you are communicating one message, but your recipient may read another. Always be sure to re-read you emails and consider if your words could be misinterpreted.

The shining houses essays

The shining houses essays The Shining Houses by Alice Munro is a classic story which portrays the simple yet innovative idea of conflict between old and the new and the human reaction to everyday change. Both sides of the story (tradition and diversity) have very strong feelings of what they expect to be done which leads to a fierce and controversial conflict between the two parties. The main character, Mary, is caught in the middle of the argument forcing her to make and take an opinion, a forced opinion that everyone will encounter at some point of their life. The role of the old in the story is portrayed by Mrs. Fullerton, the longest living residence of the community. Her attitude towards change closely relates to the oldest generation living today. These people grew up in the early 1900s during a time when life was described as simplistic and calm, but now with the extreme advances in technology many of these people are unable to cope of accept the new ways of life. Even though she is being ambushed by all things new, Mrs. Fullerton continues to fight the oppression she is being subjected to with her strong will and old time ways. Mrs. Fullertons house is described in the story as something unique, a one of a kind left in a world of conformity. Many people view change as just destroying the already perfect world to create an easier life for a minority group. Her only source of income is being seriously threatened as her own egg business cannot compete with the new environment of grocery stores and supermarkets. Change, symbolized in the new shining houses is described as an awful disgrace to the earth for the damages to the ground and the environment described as being placed in the wounds of the earth and resulted in leaving the earth raw. Alice Munro does a wonderful job of making The Shining Houses as true to life as possible. She is able to do this by the point of ...

How to deal with coworkers you dont like

How to deal with coworkers you dont like It can be unbearable having to go show up every day and see someone who drives you absolutely nuts. It can be even worse if major parts of your workday involve interacting with this person. Before you reach a breaking point and say or do something you might regret, try a few of these helpful strategies instead. You can’t change someone’s personality, but you can find a healthy and productive way to deal.Don’t badmouth to your coworkers.Don’t let your hatred of this person spill into the rest of your work life or poison your other colleagues. This isn’t high school- it’s a workplace. Talking trash is a bad, immature look. Staying classy also means watching your body language, sighs, and eye rolls in that person’s presence. You might think you’re being subtle- or funny- but you’re not. Rudeness is never a good look.Kill with kindness.When in doubt, default to the most polite version of yourself. Fake it ’til you make it if you have to- acting sweet as pie might not come easy, but you’ll come across as professional. Try simple pleasantries: say hello or nod when passing them in the halls and say goodnight when leaving for the day. You can’t change someone, but you can change how you act around them and the energy you put into the world (and the workplace).Have a heart to heart.Some work antagonism is just due to a personality clash, which is hard to fix. But if have tension with someone because of one or two specific and heated incidents, that’s easier to fix. Your best bet is to hash it out. Ask your coworker to go to a quiet conference room, go for a walk, or have a cup of coffee. Bring up recent tensions and tell him or her you want to work together to move past them.  Who knows, you could end up having a fruitful work relationship- even a friendly one- if this sort of gamble pays off. If it doesn’t? Ask yourself how much worse off you would be for giving it a tr y.Don’t take it personally.Some people are just not worth your energy. Your coworker could be just plain incompetent- or a huge jerk. Either way, it’s not about you and it’s not worth letting annoyance get in the way of your work and professional growth. Focus on being a good person and a valuable employee- that’s why you’re at work.Think about all the energy you’re putting into hating this person. Or just being perpetually annoyed. Could you be doing something better with your time? Focus on yourself, your job, and the good you can do to counteract the rage this person drives you to! Remember, you can only control how you act. So act better. Every chance you get.Remember: you don’t have to like everyone.(And everyone doesn’t have to like you.) Sometimes you’re just going to run into people that you simply don’t quite jive with- it’s all part of being an adult. Vent at home to your loved ones if you must, t hen show up at the office every day, smile politely, and get your work done.

Editorial article on school uniform Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Editorial on school uniform - Article Example â€Å" I like to see girls running around in skirts since currently if you happen to see one in skirts, then they are slutty skirts,† one of the parents remarked (Ryan 2). Moreover, the parents says that they will not accept these changes just like that, but on the other hand they claimed that their precious daughter should continue dressing up in matching jumpers. â€Å"It is a tradition,† some asserted which has developed to a code (Ryan 2). At the same time other parents retorted that they feel immense amount of guilty since the community members will now think that their children are just a quantity of run of the mill magnet kids after they see them after school. Similarly, most of the student fraternity was also unhappy with the decision. A grade 7 girl claimed that the action by some older girls should not have warranted the administration to punish the whole school. According to the students, the uniform did their best to bring equality in the students’ bo dy where all of them looked the same, but however, the administration decision will now ruin that. Moreover, some laid out their feelings regarding the fact that they will not continue wearing their beautiful uniform. Evidently, school uniform is clearly inherent in brings out commonness of the student body. Despite this, some people are strongly against the students wearing school uniforms. Moreover, Brunsma purports that school uniform is actually a good way of improving students discipline in addition to motivating them (3). In addition, he claims that students should wear school uniform for the reason that the school uniform minimizes gang colors as well as inhibits students from wearing clothes that will promote sex and drugs. Consequently school uniform is known for promoting good learning environment. In 1995, Long Beach school reported a dramatic decrease in violence along with discipline cases among the students. This was after one year of adopting mandatory school uniforms . At the same time the school also noticed that the students were actually scoring higher in their tests. The school commented that this was a very great accomplishment. They also found out that the uniforms had taken tall on the student fraternity. Consequently, President Clinton visited the school in 1995 where he urged other schools to also consider adopting the mandatory school uniforms. Clinton said, â€Å" if school uniform will make our children to stop killing each other over designer jackets, it is then crucial for schools to require their students wear school uniforms† (Wilkins 5). Actually, the reports concerning the change in crime in the school district showed that assault had gone down by 67 percent, while vandalism dropped by 82 percent and robbery cases reduced by 35 percent. This supports the fact that school uniforms are inherent for students (Norgard 7). School uniforms also are believed to enhance improved academic achievement. This is depicted by the stud y by Mancini which shows that tests scores of schools which have mandatory uniforms has gone up (27). The similar scenario was also evident in the school district in Long Beach, which has continued to produce test scores which indicate better performance. Moreover, school uniforms promote the educative behavior through reducing distraction and making the classroom to appear as a very serious environment. Clearly, Cohn says that school uniform increases students self esteem, especially the unfortunate ones, as well as it makes

Ancient Sumer and Egypt Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 124

Ancient Sumer and Egypt - Essay Example However, sometimes due to their knowledge especially the scribes, they conflicted with king’s directives. This is because of their critical managerial roles in the entire empire though they revered the highest office’s authority (Hansen & Kenneth 34). Ancient Sumer Empire believed in various family gods, which they attributed with the responsibility of managing nature through each having distinct roles (Hansen & Kenneth 34). Some of these gods embrace Ninhursag, Nunurta, Inanna, Enki, Enlil, and Inanna (Bancroft-Hunt 44). The most powerful deity in Ancient Sumer was the storm god because he had the strength to control floods and storms that affected their livelihood as a farming empire. In addition, the human king played an essential role, which is being an intermediary between the people and the Sumer’s citizens. Sumerians preferred urban life despite the majority of them depending on farming. They also spoke one language, which they used as a form of identifica tion and belonging regardless of emanating from the diverse city-states (Donn, & Don 17). Ancient Egypt’s political authority revolved around the Pharaoh whom the people deemed was a son of Ra (deity of the sun) (Steele 12). Therefore, according to the citizens, Pharaoh was more of god than a mere mortal man in the entire empire (Steele 12). He also assumed the entire empire’s power though he exercised his decrees via the priests and other holy men who belonged to a noble group (Steele 12). Taxation also existed all through the empire whereby citizens gave out their respective portions to the government based on yields or profits they attained (Steele 35). Failure to comply with taxation rules, the government subjected the convicted to forced labor and slavery with the intention of catering for the portions they did not pay.